वर्तमान भारतीय राजनीति: This is also Gujarat

These days there is a lot of talk about the need to replicate Gujarat model of development in the country. It is claimed that Modi has turned Gujarat into a heaven for its residents. They have all the necessities of life in plenty. However, Lancy Lobo of the Faculty of Social Work Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda in the study Development Induced Displacement in Gujarat 1947-2004( http://ccdgujarat.org/uploads/articles-english/Development/01-Development%20Induced%20Displacement) throws a new light on economic development of Gujarat since its inception. Taking advantage of Right to Information Act the author collected 80000 Gazette notifications of the government of Gujarat and from Land Acquisition Departments from 25 Collectorates to find out the number of displaced people since its inception. Accordingly it is estimated that about 2.5 million persons are affected or displaced in Gujarat, i.e., five percent of the total population of the State is affected or displaced. 60% of this is due to water related projects; 23% to transport and communication; and 7 % is due to the expansion of industries, 40% of the 18,700 villages of Gujarat are affected, some partially and others totally. Such is the magnitude of the problem that a total of 33 lakh hectares of land has been acquired during 1947-2004.

During 1947-1960 as a part of the Bombay State, Gujarat developed its transportation system which connected the major towns and cities of the region. During this period land acquisition was mainly for transportation projects i.e., roads, for which the State Government acquired 1.69 lakh hectares of land. Saurashtra and Kachchh regions saw construction of more than 100 small and medium dams. The initial survey for Sardar Sarovar was also carried out during this period. At that time Ahmedabad, Vadodara and Surat were the only centres of production, accounting for 70 % of Gujarat's industrial development. Besides the development of the Kandla port, water resource projects (including the medium irrigation schemes in Saurashtra and Kachchh), and the multipurpose and major irrigation projects were initiated in the eastern and southern regions of Gujarat. Before the beginning of much hiped Modi era the successive Gujarat governments implemented the policy of green revolution (60s and 1970s,) and thereafter the policies of rapid industrialization. From 1983 to 1996, the State Government sanctioned 5,309 medium and large-scale industrial units, at an investment of about Rs.1, 91,807 crores. To meet the energy and water requirements of these industries dams were constructed in on the Banas, Sabarmati, Mahi, Tapi, Damanganga and Narmada rivers.

Between 1960 and 1970 the state acquired nearly 40,000 hectares of land for the development of industries around urban centres,like Ahmedabad, Surat and Vadodara etc. During 70's and early the 1980s people were displaced to construct large dams like Ukai, Madhuban (Damanganga) and Dharoi. Ukai, Madhuban (Damanganga) and Dharoi. people from approximately 170 villages were displaced for Ukai Dam. The oustees were relocated in four resettlement sites. The Madhuban Dam dispossessed, mostly tribals. They were readjusted into nearby 15-20 villages. However,the rehabilitation plans were insufficient. The Dharoi dispossessed were not resettled at all.

Before promising Gujarat type heaven for the rest of the country Modi needs to tell us what is his innovation in Gujarat (except 2002) which he wants to replicate in the rest of the country taken . Secondly, what specific measures have been taken to rehabilitate the people displaced due to development. Third what is gujarat’s report card for ensuring environmental balance

During the 1980s land acquisition for roads and transportation doubled(3.2 lakh hectares) Road were construction to connect the talukas and various districts. About 75,000 hectares of land was acquired from surrounding villages for nominal compensation. There was no rehabilitation scheme for them.

During 1981-90period, more than 87,000 hectares were acquired for setting up new industries, for the expansion of existing industrial zones in Surat, Bharuch, Ahmedabad, Rajkot, Valsad and Vadodara and for exploration by the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation. Between 1991 and 2004, the state had acquired a total of 6,6 fakh hectares of land out of which, 61 per cent (5.2 lakh hectares) was for the water resource projects mainly the Sardar Sarovar Project ( SSP). Infact, the1990s was devoted to SSP. Land acquisition was done for canals in Central and North Gujarat, and Saurashtra .By the turn of the century the wide canal network had been developed on 70 per cent of the land acquired for water resource projects. Earlier industries were asking the government for only that much land which was essential for setting up the industrial unit. After 2000, it has been free for all. Now they do not hesitate to ask for 60,000 hectares of land for setting up an SEZ. In the Vibrant Gujarat 2007' summit, red-carpet welcome given to the industries. As the SSP has met the multipurpose needs of not only agricultural but also of industrial sector and of urban areas. Lobo writes that nearly 20 per cent of privately owned land was acquired by the state for various development projects. But there are region-wise variations in land acquisition figures. More than 26 and 23 per cent of land in south and central Gujarat was acquired for public purpose. The scale of land acquisition for large-scale projects such as dams in Narmada and industries in Bharuch district, reached to as high as 35 percent of the total geographical area.

Displacement—This high percentage of land acquisition has caused greater negative impact on the affected communities . For example,most of the villages in Mehsana, Surat, Jamnagar, Vadodara and Valsad have about 50 per cent of families who have been deprived of their lands. These families are also displaced from their occupation. Nearly 30-40 per cent of the villages in south Gujarat have more than 50 per cent of families deprived by development projects. Sixty per cent of the villages in south Gujarat have the highest concentration of tribals. Deprivation amongst the tribals is high: 40-60 per cGnt of villages have more than 15 per cent of the population negatively affected by development projects. In Valsad district, nearly 70 per cent of the tribal villages are deprived, where more than 15 per cent of families were engaged in agriculture. These villagers are deprived of agricultural land now have no option but to work as wage labourers in farms, factories and construction sites. The migration to cities and towns is higher from these tribal-dominated districts.

Transfer of forest land has also adversely affected the tribals and other forest dwellers. According to Lobo in Gujarat total forestland transferred for all uses since 1960 can be estimated at up to 2.1 lakh hectares, of which, nearly 1.71 lakh hectares were used for cultivation, while 35.5 thousand hectares were set aside for all other uses. After the 1990s, 70 per cent of the forestland has been transferred to development projects. Kachchh has recorded an increase from 499 hectares during 1991-2000, to more than 1,400 hectares during 2001-04, over a span of just four years. This is the result of the numerous incentives, including tax relief offered by the State Government to industries.

Herder Communities Displaced--These forests in Kachchh designated as ecologically sensitive grasslands, upon which the lives of thousands of animal herding families rely. The Marine National Park, Jamnagar, has reported a transfer of more than 10,000 hectares of land for industries engaged in jetties, salt mining, oil exploration and petrochemicals. Valsad has lost nearly 9,486 hectares of forests, mainly to irrigation projects including dams and canal networks. In Surat district, 5,000 hectares of land was registered for 'other' projects by the Forest Department, including industries such as mining and chemicals.

Dispossession of Dalits—Lobo informs that in more than 65 per cent of the villages in the state 5-15 per cent of the Dalit families are deprived of lands. More than 20 per cent of the Dalit families in Mehsana and Sabarkantha have been deprived in 10 per cent of the villages. The author says the small proportion of landholding Dalit families would never be able to regain their property unless special measures are taken. They woould be forced to work as farm labourers in the fields of the upper castes in Kheda Anand, Vadodara, Mehsana and Sabarkantha districts.

In caste villages, small and marginal farmers have been often pressurized into parting with their lands for projects, while the large and medium farmers often appropriated the direct benefits of these projects such as accessing water resources and roads which benefit land holders more. But the deprivation of land amongst Dalit families is higher than the other castes in these villages.

Basic Amenities of Life Missing-- The displaced are often deprived of schools and health centre facilities, Lobo states that in all cases except those of the SSP and the Ukai resettlement, the amenities were inadequately developed by the state. In about 7,220 villages,the government acquired private lands for various projects relating to water resources, transportation and industries.

Rohit Prajapati environmental activist and Trupti Shah economist commenting on this study say that The land acquisition displacement data given by Lancy Lobo does not include the land acquired and people affected by the Sardar Sarovar Dam [Narmada]. Secondly, the acquisition of land was not based on the market value of the land. Land was actually acquired bypassing all the rules of market mechanism. Similarly displacement data given by Lancy Lobo does not include the people who were dependent on land for their livelihood but were not the owner of the land. If these people are included in the list then the real figure of loss of livelihood may even cross the figure of 50,00,000 . 2007 and 2009 vibrant Gujarat summit talked about huge investment but was silent on the issue of land acquisition and loss of livelihood. (See, Gujarat’s Development Masks Other Realities, 13^th jan. 2009, www.sacw.net/article 496.html)

During 1981-90 period, more than 87,000 hectares were acquired for setting up new industries, for the expansion of existing industrial zones in Surat, Bharuch, Ahmedabad, Rajkot, Valsad and Vadodara and for exploration by the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation. Between 1991 and 2004, the state had acquired a total of 6,6 fakh hectares of land out of which, 61 per cent (5.2 lakh hectares) was for the water resource projects mainly the Sardar Sarovar Project ( SSP). Infact, the1990s was devoted to SSP. Land acquisition was done for canals in Central and North Gujarat, and Saurashtra .By the turn of the century the wide canal network had been developed on 70 per cent of the land acquired for water resource projects. Earlier industries were asking the government for only that much land which was essential for setting up the industrial unit. After 2000, it has been free for all. Now they do not hesitate to ask for 60,000 hectares of land for setting up an SEZ. In the Vibrant Gujarat 2007' summit, red-carpet welcome given to the industries. As the SSP has met the multipurpose needs of not only agricultural but also of industrial sector and of urban areas. Lobo writes that nearly 20 per cent of privately owned land was acquired by the state for various development projects. But there are region-wise variations in land acquisition figures. More than 26 and 23 per cent of land in south and central Gujarat was acquired for public purpose. The scale of land acquisition for large-scale projects such as dams in Narmada and industries in Bharuch district, reached to as high as 35 percent of the total geographical area.

LAWRENCE SURENDRA reviewing Lancy Lobo,s study adds that since 1980s, Gujarat is among the three fastest-growing States of India. the Tata-Ambani-Mittal industrial groups had already started making their industrial base in Gujarat. This achievement is not because of any particular politician but because of its long history of mercantilism, and Gujarat’s long history of migration to foreign countries. The remittances from abroad further fuelled trade and mercantilism and resulted in rural prosperity to some degree.of However, there is other side of the picture also. LAWRENCE SURENDRA adds that the the bulk of the State’s people (77 per cent)are Other Backward Classes,( OBCs) Dalits and Adivasis. Communal riots, which have broken out periodically since 1969, have consolidated the OBCs .These riots have further marginalized Dalits and adivasis who always lived in severe conditions of the impoverishment and marginalization. The deprivation of Muslim minority and the poor Parsi landowners have also increased due to riots. Painting pathetic picture of gujarat’s common man LAWRENCE SURENDRA quotes the famous dancer and activist Mallika Sarabhai’s open letter to the actor Amitabh Bachchan in support of his arguments. In this letter she told Amitabh Bachchan that in Gujarat poor were getting poorer. While between ’93 and 2005 the all-India reduction in poverty was 8.5 per cent, in Gujarat it was a mere 2.8 per cent. In Gujarat the entire farmer families committing suicide, not just the male head of the house-hold. Gujarat have also achieved number one status – in indebtedness. In 2001, the State debt was Rs.14,000 crore. This was before the State became a multinational company. Today it stands at Rs.1,05,000 crore. And to service this debt, Gujaratis pay a whopping Rs.7,000 crore a year. Social sector in Gujarat is badly neglected. Gujarat’s sex ratio has continuously declined from 942 in 1981 to 934 in 1991 to 921 in 2001. More interestingly or rather tragically, in the 0-6 age group the sex ratio declined steeply, reaching a ratio of 600 females to 1,000 males. Even more significant is the fact that the decline accelerated during the liberalisation decade – 1991-2001. Coming to much hipped SSP Mallika Sarabhai says: “In the 49 years since it [the Narmada project] was started, and in spite of the Rs.29,000 crore spent on it, only 29 per cent of the work is complete. That the construction is so poor that over the last nine years there have been 308 breaches, ruining lakhs of farmers whose fields were flooded, ruining the poorest salt farmers whose salt was washed away. Whereas in 1999, some 4,743 of Gujarat’s villages were without drinking water, within two years that figure had gone up to 11,390 villages.”

Refuting the BJP’s argument that the condition of Muslims in Gujarat is better in the rest of the country and The minorities in the State had the highest per capita income compared with any other region in the world. Lawrence Surendra writes that cynics would probably say that the per capita income was bound to rise further if the populations of the minority communities were reduced through periodic pogroms.(see Lawrence Surendra Gujarat laid bare A critical study of development and displacement in Gujarat. http://www.flonnet.com/fl2708/stories/20100423270808000.htm)

Deepa A , a journalist working on the impact of communal violence on the education of riot-affected Muslim children, with particular reference to Gujarat wrote in July 2008 that around 250,000 people were estimated to have been displaced by the Gujarat riots of 2002. Six years later in 2008, 4,500 families were still living in 81 relief colonies. The state has not ensured their return to the villages where they had homes, farms or shops. They were struggling to survive in areas often lacking even basic amenities. For example, around 75 families live in the one-room tenements in Rahimabad Society in Devgarh Baria, in Gujarat's Dahod district. These tiny structures were without basic facilities like sanitation, access roads and water supply. In 65% of the colonies, residents were getting drinking water from private sources. There was no drainage facility in any relief colony in Gujarat. In colonies such as Rahimabad Society and a nameless one in Rajgadh, Panchmahals district, the handpump is located almost two kilometres away from the houses. It's the women who usually trek the distance to get water for their homes. Livelihoods were hard to come by here. There were no good schools or hospitals nearby. The victims residing here hail from Randhikpur village, notorious for gang rape of pregnant Bilkis Bano killing of 14 members of her family by a mob. Almost everyone in Rahimabad Society has lost a loved one in the violence. Rahimabad Society is just one of the estimated 81 relief colonies in Gujarat that house people who have been internally displaced by the 2002 riots. Across Gujarat, life in the relief colonies follows a similar depressing pattern. In Godhra, in the Panchmahals district, Aman Park houses those who managed to escape from neighbouring villages and towns after being attacked by mobs during the riots. The state government did not disburse compensation packages announced by the first United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government at the Centre. The state government returned Rs 19 crore sent by the Centre for riot victims, claiming that it had completed all its rehabilitation work. Yet in almost all the relief colonies, residents complain of receiving inadequate or no compensation. Ration cards and voter ID cards were issued in 2007 at the insistence of the Election Commission. Some of the men in these colony were forced to take up jobs in dolomite factories and have ended up with silicosis. They speak of once owning farms or small businesses in their hometowns. In Ahmedabad, as elsewhere across G ujarat, the relief colonies lie on the outskirts of the city, in areas without roads and schools and hospitals. To earn a livelihood, people have to travel long distances; the commuting cost itself eats into their meagre earnings. In the rains, the water reaches their doorsteps. At Faisal Park in Vatva, an industrial area on the outskirts of Ahmedabad, residents complain that the water contains chemicals from nearby factories. There was no drainage facility in any relief colony in Gujarat. A committee appointed by the Supreme Court to assess the economic plight of these residents submitted its report to the apex court in June 2007. The report stated that the economic condition of the displaced was miserable . To prove its point the panel stated that despite the visible poverty, state government recognized as living below the poverty line (BPL) only 725 of the 4,545 internally displaced families pertaining to central government-sponsored food security schemes.Similarly a report of the National Commission for Minorities, dated October 2006, says, the residents were unable to support themselves as they used to before the riots. "Before the violence, many of these people were small self-employed traders, artisans or industrialists. The violence put an end to their means of livelihood since their old clients were unwilling to use their services," adds the report. Though residents were living in abject poverty, many had been issued above the poverty line (APL) cards instead of BPL cards.
In December 2006, a delegation of Members of Parliament from the Left parties and Congress submitted a report to the Centre on conditions in the relief colonies. The report highlighted the important point that every attempt was being made by those who intimidate the Muslim community to take possession of their (the Muslims') property. The delegation gave the example of Naroda Patia, Ahmedabad, the site of one of the worst massacres of the riots. In this residential complex only 15 of the 80 families living there had returned by 2006 says the report. It further added that Leaders of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad had taken possession of their land and built multi-storeyed buildings. Sethi, who is also the managing trustee of Jan Vikas and the Centre for Social Justice, Ahmedabad, points out that the displaced had been living in tenements for six years without holding any documents to the one-room shacks they live in. Some of them have paid money, amounting to Rs 45,000, colonies like Baroda's Noorani Mohalla, for the houses. Yet, they do not have valid legal papers to justify their possession of these houses. Actually when the state government arbitrarily shut down relief camps that housed riot victims to solve the problem of housing almost all the relief colonies were built on agricultural land owned by Muslims as an emergency measure. As this land was officially classified as agricultural land in government documents, these colonies are termed as encroachments with serious legal and financial implications for the hapless residents. The state government l had not ch approved usage of the land for residential purposes. "The paperwork is pending and it's used as a ploy to classify the colonies as illegitimate," says Sethi. Sethi felt that the exclusion of Muslims continues in Gujarat, with there being a "greater design to reduce the presence of Muslims to a few villages in each taluka and free the rest of the villages from Muslims".
Achyut Yagnik, founder-secretary of the NGO Setu: Centre for Social Knowledge and Action, and co-author of the book The Shaping of Modern Gujarat points out that if one were to go by the United Nations' principles on displacement, the central government would have to be held equally responsible for the plight of Gujarat's internally displaced. Yagnik cities just one example of apathy of both the Central and the state government. The residents of Juhapura in Ahmedabad, considered to be one of the largest Muslim ghettos in India with a population of 250,000 people, have been demanding a bank for the past three years without any response from either the Centre or the state government.

वर्तमान भारतीय राजनीति

मंगलवार, 4 फ़रवरी 2014

This is also Gujarat

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